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Perspectives

Nightmare Science
By
Brad Allenby
The philosopher Alvin Gouldner
entitled Chapter 13 of his classic study
The Two Marxisms, “Nightmare Marxism,”
observing that every discourse contains within it alternatives that
suborn its expressed intent – its nightmare side. For Marxism, there
were two nightmares: the first that Marx’s theory was, despite its claim
to scientific legitimacy, just another utopian project; the second that,
despite his theoretical analysis, it would turn out that the bourgeoisie
were right all along, and that private property was, indeed, the basis
of civilization. Should these nightmares be right, Marxism would not be
the path to an enlightened future, but to despotism – as, in fact, it
was in practice.
What, then, are the nightmares
of the scientific discourse or, more precisely, the environmental
science discourse? Surely a major one is that, despite the claim of the
scientific discourse to primacy in creating a valid understanding of the
world, the reality is that the postmodernist critique is right, and
science is no more than another normative discourse, of no greater
ontological value than any other.
Evaluating the potential for
this nightmare science scenario is tricky, but a few observations are
possible. To begin with, it is useful to recall perhaps the principal
way science distinguishes itself from other discourses: the reliance on
discovery of facts through observation, and validation of theory through
test and falsification - in short, the scientific method. This
procedure evolved in Western Europe in contrast to the medieval
mechanism for establishing truth, which was reference to authority, in
the form of the Church Fathers, Aristotle, or other accepted texts. The
seismic shift in worldview that a change from authority to observation
as source of truth induces is difficult to appreciate in hindsight, but
there is little question that it was a seminal step in the rise of the
West and the creation of modernity.
But it is precisely the strength
of this core characteristic of the scientific discourse that creates the
potential for nightmare science. The nightmare arises in this way. We
have, as scientists, established the validity of science through
adoption of a process that institutionalizes observation, and thus
grants us privileged access to truth, at least within the domains of
physical reality. In doing so, we have destroyed authority as the
source of privileged knowledge – and, concomitantly, assumed much of the
power that used to reside in the old elite (e.g., the Church).
But now suppose that scientists
become increasingly concerned with certain environmental phenomenon –
say, loss of biodiversity, or climate change. They thus not only report
the results of the practice of the scientific method, but, in part
doubting the ability of the public to recognize the potential severity
of the issues as scientists see them, become active
as scientists
in
crafting and demanding particular responses, such as the Kyoto Treaty.
These responses, notably, extend significantly beyond the purely
environmental domain, into policies involving economic development,
technology deployment, quality of life in many countries, and the like.
In short, the elite that has
been created by practice of the scientific method uses the concomitant
power not just to express the results of particular research
initiatives, but to create, support, and implement policy responses
affecting many non-scientific communities and intellectual domains in
myriad ways. In doing so, they are not exercising expertise in these
non-scientific domains, but rather transforming their privilege in the
scientific domains into authority in non-scientific domains. Science
is, in other words, segueing back into a structure where once again
authority, not observation, is the basis of the exercise of power and
establishment of truth by the elite. But the authority in this new
model is not derived from sacred texts; rather it is derived from
legitimate practice of scientific method in the scientific domain,
extended into non-scientific domains. Note that this does not imply
that scientists cannot, or should not, as individuals participate in
public debate; only that if they do so cloaked in the privilege that the
scientific discourse gives them they raise from the dead the spectre of
authority as truth.
Why is this nightmare science? Precisely because it raises an internal
contradiction with which science cannot cope. In an age defined by the
scientific worldview, which is the source of the primacy of the
scientific discourse, science cannot demand privilege outside its domain
based not on method, but on authority, for in doing so it undermines the
zeitgeist that gives it validity. When demanding the Kyoto Treaty as
scientists, it is themselves, not their opponents, that they attack.
Brad Allenby is a Professor in the Department of Civil and Environmental
Engineering and the College of Law at Arizona State University.
The views expressed here are those
of the author.
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